No.1, 2021

Study Historical Thinking， Cultivate a Historical Perspective， and Strengthen a Sense ofHistorical Responsibility： Study General Secretary Xi Jinping’s Important Discourse on Party History and National History

Sun Yeli（ 5 ）

A New Study on the Spirit of Fang Zhimin in the New Era

Zhou Meng（12）

A Written Conversation on “Construction of the Subject of CPC History in the Face of the New Era”

Yang Fengcheng et al.（21）

Early CPC Political Views on the History of the “Current Situation”

Guo Ruoping（49）

Peasants， the Theory of Productive Relations， and the Chinese Revolution in the Contextof the Political Economy： Ideological and Political Momentum in the Debate on Issues Related to the Nature of Chinese Society

Zhou Zhan’an（61）

A New Study on the CPC’s Democratic Centralism During the Early Period of the Agrarian Revolutionary War （1927-1933）

Diao Hanyong（82）

A New Study on the Student Movement During the Period of the May 4th Movement in Guangzhou Under Rule of the Military Government for Protecting the Constitution

Shen Zhigang（102）

The Struggle Between the Early CPC Organization in Zhejiang  Province and Two KMT Provincial Headquarters （1922-1926）

Ma Nan（122）

A New Study on Relations Between the May 4th Movement and the Propagation of Marxism  in China： Historical Causality， Ideological Logic， and Necessity

Li Ye（141）

Two Topics on Methodology of Contemporary Chinese History Study

Dong Guoqiang（152）

A Review of “Historical Choice： The First Forum on the Communist Party of China Studies”

Wang Linran（156）

Early CPC Political Views on the History of the “Current Situation”

Guo Ruoping

Abstract:

The CPC’s political mission after its establishment was related to the changes in its political situation. The CPC developed its political activities and built up its own image of a political party based on the history of the “current situation.” As a political party at an early stage, the CPC had no obvious advantages in terms of organizational power, social influence, and so on. Therefore, the task of the early CPC political revolution was to determine how to accumulate political power by presenting its distinctive political views. Different situations may bring about different opportunities, and changes in the political situation provided the CPC with an opportunity to change the structure of the political party and to develop itself.  Beginning with the need to respond to all kinds of political situations and incidents, the CPC adopted realistic political strategies and revolutionary goals, and developed in the direction of promoting a domestic political revolution. Then, in the context of the domestic political situation at that time, the CPC gradually established its political status, fulfilled its original revolutionary intentions, and laid a solid foundation for its future development and growth.

Peasants, the Theory of Productive Relations, and the Chinese Revolution in the Context of the Political Economy: Ideological and Political Momentum in the Debate on Issues Related to the Nature of Chinese Society

Zhou Zhan’an

Abstract:

This article, focusing on the debate on issues related to the nature of Chinese society in about 1930, seeks to discuss the internal and historical momentum behind the debate, with particular emphasis on the controversy over the ideological and political motivations for the Chinese revolution.  To this end, the article first analyzes the place and the characteristics of the debate in modern Chinese ideological history, and, second, it discusses why within the debate the peasant issue was confirmed as the core issue of the revolution. The article then elaborates on the possibilities presented by the theory of productive relations for the development of the agrarian revolution，and finally it analyzes how some of the participants in the debate determined the future of revolutionary socialism based on the law of unbalanced development.  In short, the debate over the nature of Chinese society provides systematic academic proof of the goals, content, methods, and future of the Chinese revolution within the context of the political economy.

A New Study on the CPC’s Democratic Centralism During the Early Period of the Agrarian Revolutionary War (1927-1933)

Diao Hanyong

Abstract:

Democratic centralism is the fundamental organizational principle and organizational system of the Communist Party of China; It contains two systemic elements: “centralism” and “democracy.” The early period of the agrarian revolutionary war was an important period for the development of democratic centralism, and it influenced trends in its  later development. This article uses documentary and historical materials to sort out the evolutionary process and the characteristics of democratic centralism during this period. After the failure of the Great Revolution, the Central Committee initially focused on promoting the parallel development of centralism and democracy, but because of the impact of extreme democratization, it tended to focus on the theoretical connotation of “centralism.” After the 6th National Congress of the CPC, the Central Committee strengthened its authority over subordinate party departments through reorganizations, inspections, and so on.

A New Study on the Student Movement During the Period of the May 4th Movement in Guangzhou Under Rule of the Military Government for Protecting the Constitution

Shen Zhigang

Abstract:

When news of the “May 4th Movement” first began to spread, the response of the “Provincial Student Union” in Guangdong province was complicated. With its goal of saving the nation, some disagreements took place within the “Provincial Student Union.” These disagreements were intensified when representatives of the student unions in Beijing, Tianjin, and Shanghai arrived at Guangzhou to provide an impetus for a class boycott, thus causing a split in the “Provincial Student Union.” Because Guangzhou was governed by the Military Government to Protect the Constitution, the students confronted an identity dilemma and decided to punish officeholders in the Beijing Government, Cao Rulin, Zhang Zongxiang and Lu Zongyu, with the aim of bringing about a class boycott.  The belated strike movement in Guangzhou was triggered by a change in provincial governor, which seemed like a diplomatic issue but in actuality was really a struggle among the local factions. During the strike, the newly established “Student Union of Middle Schools and Above” played an important role. When the strike calmed down, the Guangxi Clique removed from office Ye Xiasheng, the president of Guangdong Public Law and Politics School, who supported the activities of the “Student Union of Middle Schools and Above” and it called for the return of former president Ou Dayuan, with the effect that the student movement in Guangzhou, which displayed obvious local characteristics, was transformed into a movement for “retaining Ye and rejecting Ou”.

The Struggle Between the Early CPC Organization in Zhejiang Province and Two KMT Provincial Headquarters (1922-1926) 

Ma Nan

Abstract:

Shortly after the establishment of the Chinese Communist Party, the CPC became involved in cooperation with the KMT at the request of representatives of the Communist International and the Soviet advisers. The network of the First Normal School of Hangzhou led by Shen Dingyi rose to the forefront in the work of preparing for the establishment and organization of the KMT headquarters, which was regarded by the high levels of the KMT and the CPC and the Soviet advisers as a model for party affairs.  However, this positive situation fostered by Shen Dingyi and the students at the First Normal School of Hangzhou deteriorated with the growth of disputes between the KMT and the CPC. Shen Dingyi became more dissatisfied with the Central Committee and with Borodin’s strategy, but Xuan Zhonghua and others held totally different opinions. Finally, the network of the First Normal School of Hangzhou broke up, and Zhejiang province became the main battlefield in which the CPC and the faction of the Western Hill Conference represented by Shen Dingyi struggled with each other. The two sides mobilized their respective resources and advantages to engage in an endless fight and see-saw battle, which wore down the enthusiasm of the revolutionary youth and destroyed the source of power for the revolution inside of Zhejiang province.